Responsibility by Christine M.
Imprint Leiden ; Boston : Brill, Physical description xii, p. Series Muslim minorities v. Online Available online. Full view. Green Library.
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N8 J Unknown. More options. Find it at other libraries via WorldCat Limited preview. Minhaj-ul-Quran International established its mosque and centre in Initially, the mosque received permission from Gamle Oslo borough to perform the adhan once a week. This was appealed to county authorities by the Progress Party. The ruling of the fylkesmann county governor of Oslo and Akershus stated that no permission was required for performing the adhan, leaving the mosque free to perform it at their own discretion.
As the Muslim population grew, the number of mosques also multiplied quickly. As long as the total number of Muslims was low, it was natural for many different groupings to congregate in a single mosque. But as different immigrant groupings increased in number, the wish for separate mosques for people of different nationalities, languages and sects increased. The first Shia mosque, Anjuman-e hussaini , was founded in , and in the early s, separated Moroccan and Turkish mosques were established.
Islamic Traditions and Muslim Youth in Norway
The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community established itself here in Islam Net is a salafist organisation in Norway , founded by engineer student Fahad Qureshi in The main umbrella organization in Norway is the Islamic Council Norway , which was set up in In , Linstad applied for the first time to establish a Muslim private school.
The Labour Party government of Gro Harlem Brundtland rejected the application in , stating that it would be "detrimental to the integration of the children". After the Labour government was replaced by the government of Kjell Magne Bondevik of the Christian People's Party in , Linstad applied again, and his application was approved in In August , Urtehagen School Urtehagen friskole opened with 75 pupils.
However, internal conflicts at the school led to its closure in the spring of In an interview, al-Obaide described the mosque as "a feminist mosque where women have as much space as men. Since , the Islamic Cultural Centre stages an Eid Mela annually that attracts around 5, visitors. The event involves food, concerts, and other activities. Following the Copenhagen shootings , Norwegian Muslims were among those taking part in a vigil on 21 February evening, in which they joined hands with Norwegian Jews and others to form a symbolic protective ring around the Norwegian capital's main synagogue.
As of , no laws had been implemented to restrict Islamic dress in public space or schools. In , a debate occurred to ban face veils in higher education but institutions advised against such a bill. Similar debates arose in but failed to result in any ban. Norwegian law does not reference a right of people to wear religious headgear, but the issue is referenced by the Working Environment Act and the Gender Equality Act. The Norwegian Labour Inspectorate considers refusal to accommodate religious headgear as discrimination.
Hijabs have been incorporated into uniforms in the army, healthcare, etc. In a poll conducted by the Norwegian Directorate of Integration and Diversity , a majority of Norwegians were negative to the wearing of the hijab outside the home. In June , the Norwegian government proposed rules banning female students from wearing full-face veils. The administration is subsequently examining the likelihood of controlling the utilization of such pieces of clothing in childcare focuses, schools and colleges. The Prime Minister of Norway Erna Solberg stated in an interview that in Norwegian work environments it is essential to see each other's faces and therefore anyone who insists on wearing a niqab is in practice unemployable.
Solberg also views the wearing of the niqab as a challenge to social boundaries in the Norwegian society, a challenge that would be countered by Norway setting boundaries of its own. Solberg also stated that anyone may wear what they wish in their spare time and that her comments applied to professional life but that any immigrant has the obligation to adapt to Norwegian work life and culture. In April , telecom company Telia received bomb threats after featuring a Muslim woman taking off her hijab in a commercial.
Islamic Traditions and Muslim Youth in Norway | Anna Lindh Foundation
Although the police did not evaluate the threat likely to be carried out, delivering threats is still a crime in Norway. Pervez was told by her employer that she was not to wear her hijab to work. Most research has focused on immigration, and there is a lack of research about the Muslims that are already in the country.
The research usually focuses on either the religious or social aspect. Popular versus normative is one controversial way of characterizing Muslims. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Main article: Ahmadiyya in Norway. Main article: Islamophobia in Norway.
Islamic Traditions and Muslim Youth in Norway: Subjectivities, Politics and Piety
We must simply admit that cultural conflicts are beginning to be noticeable. From to , more than 6, ethnic Norwegians moved out of Groruddalen, while almost twice that number of immigrants—mostly Muslims—moved in. In , fully 67 percent of the children born in Stovner, a borough at the far eastern end of the valley, had non-Western mothers.
In , Aftenposten broke the prevailing media silence on the topic by reporting on the experiences of ethnic Norwegians living in Groruddalen.
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Girls are harassed for being blond, and dye their hair to fit in. T wo years later, in , a remarkably candid SSB report acknowledged that 1, ethnic Norwegians were leaving Groruddalen annually, with an equal number of non-Western immigrants moving in to replace them. During that year alone, muggings in Groruddalen rose by nearly 80 percent. The great majority of perpetrators arrested were teenagers with immigrant backgrounds and Muslim names; almost none of their parents bothered to show up for their trials.
One father did take action: he tried to intimidate mugging victims into changing their testimonies. Yet the police and politicians continued to insist that Groruddalen was doing fine.
They pointed to statistics on crimes other than mugging, which seemed, superficially, to back up their claims. But many—perhaps most—crimes in the valley went unreported.
Citations per year
Muslim victims of crimes committed by other Muslims knew better than to involve the police: their families, imams, and other local Muslims would view them as traitors and respond accordingly. Such matters, they knew, were to be handled within the community. Many non-Muslim victims feared going to the cops, too, because they knew that they risked retribution from their immigrant neighbors that would make the original transgressions look mild. Fosli deliberately chose people who had some level of involvement in their communities—those who had kids in school, for example, or who sat on their co-op boards.
Their answers were disturbing.
As for non-Muslim girls and women, simply going outside alone—to the mall, for instance—earned them the angry stares of long-bearded Muslim men who believed that they should not leave their homes unescorted by males and with their heads uncovered. Jews had it especially tough. Forget it. In short, a place where people had once lived without fear and treated one another with respect and friendliness had become charged with tension, dread, and bigotry—not anti-Muslim bigotry, mind you, but anti-Norwegian bigotry.
Left-wing multiculturalists living in Groruddalen called Fosli a liar. I can relax, be myself. I love this mixture of peoples.